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Texas Governor Abbott Splits with Trump Over Federal Election Control
Key Takeaways
- •The U.S. Constitution assigns primary authority for conducting elections to individual states, not the federal government.
- •Any federal effort to nationalize elections would require Congressional approval, as a President cannot implement such a change via executive order.
- •Governor Abbott's rejection of federal election oversight contrasts with his own actions to assert state control over Harris County's election administration.
- •Legal scholars emphasize the rarity of voter fraud, suggesting calls for federal or state intervention often serve political rather than purely integrity-based motives.
- •Different federal and state election rules could create a complex, underfunded dual electoral system, raising significant public policy and logistical challenges.
Alright, let's talk about something big happening in Texas politics and what it means for how we vote. You've got President Donald Trump pushing this idea of the federal government taking over elections in some spots across the country, right? Well, that's actually causing a rare public disagreement with one of his biggest political allies, Texas Governor Greg Abbott. And believe me, when these two aren't on the same page, you know it's a big deal. It really makes you wonder what's going on.
So, Governor Abbott was at a campaign event in Houston recently, talking about his labor union endorsements. Someone asked him directly about Trump's suggestion to nationalize elections. His answer was pretty clear: "Listen, my understanding of the United States Constitution, uh, and that is elections for state positions are to be conducted by states, and I don’t think we should deviate from that." That's a pretty strong statement coming from someone usually so in sync with the former President.
Now, this whole conversation isn't new; it reignites a really old debate about who actually runs elections in the U.S. It puts the Constitution, partisan fights, and just plain practical challenges front and center. Trump frames federal intervention as a way to fix what he calls "election integrity concerns." But many legal experts, and even some of his own political friends, are saying, "Hold on a minute." They point out that our Constitution gives states the primary power over elections. So, trying to nationalize any part of that process would be super messy legally and really hard to pull off.
Trump has brought up this idea a couple of times this month. He first talked about it on Dan Bongino's podcast on February 2nd. He said, "The Republicans should say, ‘We want to take over. ... We should take over the voting in at least ... 15 places.’ The Republicans ought to nationalize the voting." Then, just two days later, in an interview with NBC News, he actually denied using the word "nationalize." But he then went on to clarify, saying he meant there are "some areas in our country that are extremely corrupt." He called out places like Detroit, Philadelphia, and Atlanta, saying they have "unbelievably corrupt" elections. He insisted that if those areas don't "straighten out," we can't have corrupt elections.
Okay, so what does the law actually say here? University of Houston political science professor Brandon Rottinghaus explained that for any plan like this to move forward, Congress would have to approve it. The President can't just do it on his own with an executive order or some other solo move. That's a huge legal hurdle, and it really limits executive power in this area. Even if a president *tries* to use unilateral power, it's very likely to hit a wall in the courts.
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said Trump was actually talking about the "SAVE America Act." This is a proposed law that would require proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections and for people applying for mail-in ballots. It also would make states ensure only U.S. citizens register to vote. The House has passed different versions of this bill, but it's always gotten stuck in the Senate. This shows you how hard it is to get major federal election changes through our divided government, even when they're not outright nationalization.
Abbott isn't the only conservative pushing back on Trump's idea. Senator John Thune, a Republican from South Dakota, called it a "constitutional issue." He also pointed out a practical benefit of our current system: "It's harder to hack 50 election systems than it is to hack one." Think about that for a second. Having elections run by states means there isn't one big target for bad actors. House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Republican from Louisiana, agreed that states running elections "works well." But he also added his concern about "some of the blue states, frankly, that have not been doing that well” in ensuring election integrity.
Now, this is where it gets interesting and a bit tricky. Abbott's stance against federalizing elections seems to clash with some of his *own* recent actions. Just recently, he threatened that Texas officials might take over elections in Harris County. You know, Texas's biggest county, which has been voting blue since 2018. Abbott referenced a report about more than 100 voter registrations in Harris County linked to private post office boxes, which state law prohibits. He called Harris County a "repeat violator of election integrity" and said it "should be stripped of operating elections and state officials should take over."
So, while Abbott is saying the feds shouldn't mess with state elections, he's also suggesting the *state* should mess with *local* elections. Since 2018, Abbott and other Texas Republicans have made several moves to influence Harris County's election operations. The legislature even got rid of the county's independent elections administrator, and they banned new voting methods put in place during the COVID-19 pandemic, like drive-thru voting. These actions really raise questions about what "state control" means when applied internally.
Rottinghaus, the political science professor, has noted that concerns about voter fraud have often been used as an excuse to take more control over elections. He says that while vote fraud is real, "It’s very rare." This means local election offices often have to fight perceptions and answer a lot of questions, even when problems are small. This constant questioning can create a climate where calls for outside control gain traction, even without widespread issues.
Usually, Abbott and Trump are very aligned on election stuff. Abbott has often backed Trump's priorities, even when he might have had his own hesitations. For example, *The Texas Tribune* reported that Abbott was initially against Trump's push for mid-decade redistricting. But he eventually supported it, bringing lawmakers back to the Capitol to redraw congressional maps in a way that helped Republicans. So, if these two are having a public disagreement over voting, it's pretty serious. You don't often see them disagree.
But Abbott has also made other moves that seem to *cede* state control, which further muddies the waters. He ordered Texas National Guard troops to Chicago, essentially sending state forces on a mission for the federal government. That surprised other Republican governors. And in December, Texas sent its voter data to the Department of Justice, as the administration was trying to gather voter data from millions of people across the country. It appears that direct federal *involvement* in running elections, however, is where Abbott draws the line.
He also strongly criticized former President Joe Biden's push for various voting rights laws in Congress. One of those proposals would have made several states get "pre-clearance" from the Department of Justice before making any changes to voting laws. Another would have set some national standards for things like early voting, mail-in voting, and voter ID. So, you can see a consistent theme here: Abbott doesn't like the federal government telling states how to run their elections. Joshua Blank, research director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin, puts it simply: "It’s not surprising to see Abbott cool to Trump’s request to nationalize elections, both because the Constitution is so clear that this is a state power." He adds that Republicans have historically believed this power belongs only to the states.
Beyond just Trump's proposal, the debate itself about nationalizing elections is important. Publicly rejecting the president's idea shows serious concerns about the federal government overreaching into something states consider their core job. It also highlights how truly complicated federal oversight of elections would be in the real world.
Political and elections experts say this challenge goes way beyond just what's legal. Blank points out that federal oversight could have ripple effects far beyond just federal races. Imagine having one set of rules for federal elections – like needing a clear citizenship check – but different rules for state elections. You'd end up with two completely separate systems. And if you know anything about how elections are run in the U.S., you know that election administration is often strapped for cash. Two systems would be incredibly expensive and confusing for everyone involved.
Blank also reminds us that the idea of nationalizing elections isn't new. He thinks it's unlikely any procedure would change in time for the 2026 midterms. "These are things that have played out, you know, over time, in various ways, but it’s not clean, and it’s certainly not something that happens in, like, six months." Major changes take time and often face court challenges.
However, the timing of this conversation is raising questions about political strategy. Republicans are facing really tight margins in both the House and Senate this election year. Blank suggests, "Republicans redistricted because they saw the writing on the wall that the only way that they might be able to hold the House is if they redistricted." He believes that when you hear talk about nationalizing elections now, Republicans might be looking at the Senate map and worrying about losing ground there too. They wouldn't raise these issues unless they thought the political "bleeding" might spread beyond the House to the Senate.
There's also the long game. Preparing for a post-Trump political era might be part of the thinking too. His second term is set to wrap up in early 2029. Blank says, "Trump's breaking with Republican tradition and orthodoxy, and while most of the time, he’s still going to get his way, not all the time." He adds, "And especially for someone who’s not going to be on the ballot again. All these other people have future political careers, and they’re going to have to explain discrepancies in their position." It's smart politics to start defining your own position, especially on a constitutional issue like this, when a powerful figure's time in office is winding down. So, while Trump's pushing for federal control, Abbott and other Republicans are reminding us that when it comes to elections, the states – and the Constitution – have the final say.
Ultimately, this isn't just a political spat. It's a fundamental disagreement over federalism, the Tenth Amendment, and the very structure of our electoral process. It shows you the tensions that always exist between centralized power and states' rights in America, and how those tensions play out right here in Texas.
Original source: Politics – Houston Public Media.
