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Texas Education Board Debates History: Whose Stories Make the State's Curriculum?
Key Takeaways
- •SBOE's elected authority allows it to set curriculum standards, impacting millions of students and raising questions about the scope of public policy versus academic freedom.
- •The board's vote to explicitly define slavery as stripping freedom and treating Africans as property establishes a state-mandated historical interpretation, pushing back against efforts to soften its depiction.
- •Concerns about the political leanings of SBOE-appointed advisory panels highlight a tension between expert guidance and political influence in shaping educational content.
- •The procedural debate over whether the SBOE provides an "outline" or "micromanages" reflects a legal conflict over the proper division of labor in curriculum development between elected officials and educators.
Picture this: you’re a kid in Texas, and your history class is about to get a major makeover. It’s not just about new textbooks; it's about what stories get told, and how. The State Board of Education (SBOE), a group of folks you elect, is currently in the middle of a massive rewrite of Texas's social studies curriculum, and let me tell you, it's getting pretty intense.
After a long, seventeen-hour meeting — part of a four-day marathon, mind you — the SBOE finally got to the good stuff: history. Board members, especially the Democrats on the fifteen-person board, started laying out their wish list for what Texas kids should learn. They’re worried they won’t get another shot to shape things, so they’re really digging into the details.
Now, you might think, 'What's the big deal?' But this isn't just academic chatter. What these board members decide now will shape how millions of students understand Texas and American history for years. It's about public policy and who gets to control the narrative that's taught in our schools. And let’s be honest, history is rarely just history; it’s often a reflection of what we value and what we want future generations to know about our past.
The Democrats on the board have been pushing hard for a more inclusive view of history. They want kids to learn about the transatlantic slave trade, not just as a footnote, but as a core event. They're advocating for figures like Crispus Attucks, a Black American patriot killed in the Boston Massacre, to be recognized. They also want to make sure ancient African civilizations get their due alongside European ones. Plus, they’re pushing for the stories of Texas’s Freedom Colonies, settlements founded by formerly enslaved people, to be part of the curriculum.
And it’s not just about adding new names. Houston Democrat Staci Childs and Pearland Democrat Tiffany Clark, both Black women on the board, argue for specific wording changes. They want to make sure students understand that the Civil Rights Movement is more than just Martin Luther King Jr., suggesting a broader label. They also want more detail on people like Chief John Horse, a prominent Black Seminole warrior, and Robert Smalls, a Black Civil War hero who became a Republican congressman. For younger kids, they want Harriet Tubman’s story emphasized, and they want to make it super clear that the Underground Railroad wasn't an actual train.
But not everyone on the board is thrilled with this level of detail. Florence Republican Tom Maynard, clearly getting a bit fed up, kept reminding everyone, “This is just an outline.” He felt they were "micromanaging" what should be a broad framework, leaving the specifics to the educators who will actually write the standards.
This tension highlights a core legal and policy debate: how much power should an elected board have over the granular content of education, versus how much should be left to professional educators? The SBOE is elected by you, the voters, to set the direction for public education. But when does that direction become too prescriptive, potentially stifling academic freedom or expertise?
The debate over the description of slavery really put this tension on display. The original proposed language said “slavery denied liberty and was the main cause of the Civil War.” Childs argued that this was too vague and “tricky for a second-grader to understand.” She, along with Clark, suggested a more direct description:
*“Slavery took away people’s freedom and treated Africans as property instead of human beings. The Civil War happened because some states wanted to keep slavery, while others wanted it to end. The war was fought to decide whether slavery would continue in the United States.”*
Republican Board Chair Aaron Kinsey asked if there was any debate. Pearland Republican Julie Pickren chimed in, arguing that focusing solely on Africans was "too heavy" for a 7-year-old and that other groups, like white Europeans and Native Americans, also experienced slavery or indentured servitude. Childs responded with conviction, pointing out that 6- and 7-year-olds actually *endured* slavery. She found support from Democrat Rebecca Bell-Metereau, who said it’s “naive” to think kids can’t handle the truth of history’s horrors. In a significant win for the Democrats' position, an 8-5 majority of the board, including five Republicans, voted to approve the more explicit language.
This vote isn't just about a few words; it's a statement on public policy about historical accuracy and age-appropriateness. It pushes back on a trend of downplaying the specific atrocities of chattel slavery in America and insists on a more direct, truthful account, even for young children. It recognizes the constitutional principle of equal protection, even as it applies to historical narrative, by ensuring the experiences of historically marginalized groups are not whitewashed or diminished.
There's also some concern about *who* is advising the board. The initial list of historical topics came from a panel of advisers appointed by the SBOE. Some of these advisers have a history of criticizing diversity efforts, pushing the idea that America was founded as a Christian nation, and questioning lessons that highlight contributions from people of color. This raises questions about potential bias influencing the very foundation of the curriculum revision.
San Antonio Democrat Marisa B. Pérez-Díaz voiced strong frustration. She felt “the wool just got pulled over my eyes,” arguing that the teacher work groups should be the ones providing guidance to the board, not the other way around. This kind of back-and-forth really shows you the fight over the fundamental structure of curriculum development – who calls the shots, and whose expertise holds the most weight?
One interesting moment came when Childs suggested adding Claudette Colvin to the curriculum. Colvin, who recently passed away in Texas, was a young Black woman who refused to give up her bus seat in Montgomery, Alabama, months before Rosa Parks. Colvin's story didn't get the same attention, partly because of her age, darker skin, and lower socioeconomic status. Pickren, the Republican who had pushed back on the slavery description, was visibly surprised and called Colvin’s story “Very cool,” voting to include her. It shows that even amidst the political wrangling, there's still room for discovery and agreement.
So, what happens next? The board-approved list of historical topics will now go to work groups made up of Texas educators. These groups are tasked with crafting the actual learning standards – the specific things your kids will be expected to know. The SBOE will then revise and vote on those standards this summer, with the new curriculum hitting classrooms in the 2030-31 school year. It’s a long process, but one that will profoundly shape how Texas children learn about their world.
Original source: Texas State Government: Governor, Legislature & Policy Coverage.
